The Brothers of Italy: Nationalism and the Threat of Dismissing Twenty-First Century Fascist Ideology
- Holly Reevell
- 7 days ago
- 5 min read
Nationalism and a national spirit are so often the foundation for what society perceives as a 'Great Nation'. However, the problem doesn't come in asking what makes us great, but assuming who doesn’t fit into that mould. Nationalism seems to so frequently descend into narcissism, exclusion and a downwards spiral towards the eras of our past we claim to have left behind: Lest we forget. What becomes dangerous is the way nationalism can be weaponised without people seemingly even realising it is happening. Before we know it, we are the monsters, the oppressors, the bystanders, who we criticise in the textbooks.
The Brothers of Italy party (Italy's most right-wing since the Second World War), led by Giorgia Meloni (Figure 1), is a nationalist political movement in modern day Italy (Figure 2), and during their recent rise to popularity (being voted into parliament in the election of October 2022) discourse began on their connection to the infamous National Fascist Party of Mussolini (Figure 3). Now, I do not intend to accuse the Brothers of Italy of being fascist (as I do not think that word should be used liberally), however, I think it is important to note the connections between the two ideologies, and consider that if we choose to turn a blind eye, push aside warning signs, and assume good intention in response to intense nationalist movements, we risk allowing the rise of twenty-first century fascist ideology, and all the violence that comes with it.
Fascism is discreet. It doesn’t find success (as proved by Hitler's failed Munich Putsch) through screaming its prejudices straight out of the gate. It wins by sliming its way into social ideas, whispering in the ears of politicians, and publishing hit pieces against the economy. Mussolini, before his rise to power, infamously worked for the socialist newspapers 'Il Popolo' (‘The People’) and later 'La Lotta Classe' (‘The Class Struggles’). They appear down-to-earth. More of a man for the people than a politician of the people. This is a façade.
In the early stages of the National Fascist Party, the Manifesto of the Italian Fasces of Combat (1919) was published. Their policies seemed strikingly socialist: minimum wage, worker representatives, policies to peacefully spread Italian National culture, and a voting age of eighteen. These policies proved popular, aiding the growth of the party and its legitimacy. However, in 1932, a decade after establishing power, a new manifesto was published. It called for the maintenance of tradition, anti-socialism, the inevitability of war and anti-democracy. They used popular ideology and common causes and concerns to weed their way into power.
The Brothers of Italy has less discreet origins, forming from the ruins of the National Alliance party (Figure 6), an openly neo-fascist organisation. The Brothers of Italy attempt to appeal to times of economic hardship by proposing a flat tax for small business owners. However, like Mussolini's party, the Brothers of Italy present a surface image of anti-elitism, while promoting traditionalism, and, to use the words of Marta Lorimer:
"The Brothers of Italy’s use of a (modified) old logo is open to opposite interpretations: one that stresses novelty and detachment from a (neo-)fascist past, and the other that highlights continuity. This kind of mixed messaging is consistent with a common far-right strategy of ‘calculated ambivalence’, a term used to describe far-right discursive strategies which allow for opposite interpretations, one consistent with moderation and the other with extremism."
Furthermore, in her autobiography, while "Meloni does not openly endorse the positions of the Italian Social Movement [Figure 5], she presents Brothers of Italy as ‘a new party for an ancient tradition'." This parallels Mussolini's association of his party with the greatness of Ancient Rome. Additionally, twenty-seven per cent of the 276 candidates in 2022 were previously associated with the Italian Social Movement, the successor to Mussolini's party. This is where tactical phrasing plays a role again, with 'Social' being associated with socialism, workers' rights and progress, despite advocating for anti-Communism.
Mussolini, while being indirectly appointed in 1922, won the 1924 official election by around sixty-five per cent. Meloni won the 2022 election with around twenty-sex per cent to thirty per cent of the votes (out of a sixty-three per cent turnout); therefore, while gaining the position gives her legitimacy, she does not represent the desires of the Italian majority. Their ideologies and manifestos enabled them to achieve power on the political stage.
Mussolini's policies (aligning with Hitler) manifested in gender traditionalism, colonisation and anti-Semitism. Meloni's party is retaining its right-wing traditions by promoting anti-LGBTQ+ policies, anti-feminism, and anti-immigration, including the controversial decision to build immigrant detention centres in Albania. In fact, Marta Lorimer and Matteo Cavallaro say she has reportedly "demonised Muslim migrants and has invoked the white supremacist ‘great replacement’ theory, which holds that a plan is being deployed to replace global north white populations with non-white, non-Christian migrants". Creating a sense of Italian national spirit is not negative, nor fascist, but when that sense of nationalism comes with racial conditions and social exclusionism, we have a duty to learn from our past and view these movements critically and in the full context of their lineage.
Ultimately, nationalism is integral to so many communities and can often be a uniting force for good. However, when nationalism is radicalised and made exclusive and conditional, we must be able to think critically enough to recognise it. The Brothers of Italy are not unique, nor necessarily the most extreme; the current conservative party in America is tightly aligning with the road to Fascism to a terrifying degree, and the rise of Reform and Restore in Great Britain demonstrates we are just as capable of extremity as the societies we criticise.
Primary sources:
Mussolini, Benito, ‘Manifesto of the Italian Fasces of Combat’, Il Popolo d’Italia (1919).
Mussolini, Benito, ‘The Doctrine of Fascism’ in Italian Encyclopaedia, 36 vols, (Istituto della Enciclopedia Italiana,1932), xiv.
Secondary sources:
CIVICUS staff, ‘Italy: Triumph of the Far Right’, CIVICUS LENS, 28 September 2022 <https://lens.civicus.org/italy-triumph-of-the-far-right/> [accessed 20 May 2026].
Foot, John, ‘Rise to Power of Benito Mussolini’, Britannica, 24 April 2026 <https://www.britannica.com/biography/Benito-Mussolini/Rise-to-power> [accessed 18 May 2026].
Kirby Paul, ‘Giorgia Meloni: Italy’s far-right wins election and vows to govern for all’, BBC News <https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-europe-63029909> [accessed 20 May 2026].
Lorimer, Marta and Matteo Cavallaro, ‘What Brother of Italy shares – and does not share – with its neo-fascist and post-fascist predecessors’, LSE European Politics, 14 July 2025 <https://blogs.lse.ac.uk/europpblog/2025/07/14/what-brothers-of-italy-shares-with-its-neo-fascist-and-post-fascist-predecessors/> [accessed 19 May 2026].
Ratcliffe, Talulah, ‘Giorgia Meloni’s Legacy: Breaking Glass Ceilings and Closing Borders’, Harvard International Review, 8 January 2025 <https://hir.harvard.edu/giorgia-melonis-legacy-breaking-glass-ceilings-and-closing-borders/> [accessed 20 May 2026].
