A Modern History of the British “Far-Right” and National Identity

When thinking about the question of what British national identity is, I was struck by a quote from historian Peter Mandler, which stated, “it may be that the ‘crisis’ of national identity is […] closely related to a crisis of politics”. Throughout the 20th and 21st centuries both the idea of ‘Britain’ itself, and its political climate was (and is) ever changing. With the devolution of Scotland and Wales in 1997, and Northern Ireland in 1999, the four nations have grown apart, and the phrase ‘British’ seems to have lost a sense of meaning. In fact, there seems to be ever more emphasis on the ‘English’ part of Britain, and part of this is down to the influence of far-right groups.

The rise of the far-right in Britain is an ever-concerning trend, but not necessarily a new one. Whether it’s the National Front (founded in 1967), the BNP (founded in 1982), the EDL (founded in 2009), or Britain First (founded in 2011) all these political organisations exist as a result of the influence of Sir Oswald Mosley.

Starting from 1923, fascist ideology became popular in Britain, and several organisations appeared, predominantly inspired by Italian fascism. During the 1920s, many British people admired Mussolini and were looking for political alternatives in the uncertainty of post-war Britain. After the political crisis of 1931, which led to the formation of the National Government, fascist parties gained momentum, and in 1932, Sir Oswald Mosley formed his British Union of Fascists (BUF). With his work as an MP, his experience in Parliament, and his economic expertise, he was respected across the political spectrum as a figurehead for progress. According to Martin Pugh, in this time “it appeared to many people that Mosley might well be the only alternative”. However, after a series of confrontational demonstrations, such as the ‘Battle of Cable Street’ in 1936, and the rise of British hostility towards Nazi Germany, the movement died out, and Mosley was imprisoned. After the war, Mosley tried to continue his political career but was unsuccessful.

Consequently, British fascism remained relatively underground. However, a surge in the far-right movement occurred with the 1948 Nationality Act, which gave all citizens of the British Empire the right to work and live in Britain. The arrival of immigrants, such as those who came on the HMT Empire Windrush in 1948, created a new and intense form of racial prejudice, exemplified by events such as the Notting Hill riots of 1958, and groups such as the ‘teddy boys’. Later, this manifested itself in the creation of the National Front, which promoted the view that only white people should be citizens of the UK. This ideology reached a particular peak in the 1970s, with an increasing number of groups forming throughout the decades, which has allowed for our modern climate and the continuation of an anti-immigration sentiment.

A crucial similarity between the BUF and the modern day far-right lies in the utilisation of the media.  Mosley’s BUF was primarily promoted in the Daily Mail and the Sunday Dispatch, allowing its messages to reach a wide audience. The press continues to be a tool utilised by today’s far-right. With the advent of modern technology, the far-right have also spread their message through social media. At a time when our nation is so divided, opinions can be swayed with little effort, and the significance of Twitter/X in fuelling these debates is something that should not be underestimated.

While Reform UK is not directly promoting the far-right ideals of some of these other groups, it seems that there is an overlap between their voters and supporters of the groups previously mentioned. While many who voted for Reform UK simply did so because they were disenchanted by the direction of the Conservative Party, there were also many who voted because of their strict anti-immigration sentiment, something which has been taken further by certain members of the Party and their followers. Arguably, Reform’s political rise influenced the riots and violence which took place this July/August. The parallels between historical riots and those which took place this year are a key indication that these ideas have not left the British consciousness, despite the social change that has occurred since. The fact remains that immigrants have, in modern British history, always been a scapegoat for the problems in Britain. The slogans that imply they’re ‘invading’ our country, and we need to ‘take our country back’, further fuel this, and reflect the ideology that has been the sole focus of the far-right for decades.

Much of the violence can be attributed to the leader of the EDL, Tommy Robinson, who has promoted Islamophobic and far-right ideology for his entire political career and has recently been imprisoned for related actions. However, 51% of British voters, according to the Independent, believe that Nigel Farage, the current leader of Reform UK, is ‘personally responsible’ for the riots. Certainly, the way he behaved online, particularly through the medium of Twitter/X, had an inflammatory impact.

To conclude, modern insecurities about British identity have fostered themselves in a variety of far-right groups and ideologies. This has been marked by a particular rise in Islamophobia in more recent contexts. Theparallels between the beginnings of far-right movements and the modern day are significant. The primary difference is the technology and media available in the 21st century which allows for the further spread of these ideas, creating a more real and threatening form of far-right movements, risking further damage to an already fragmented British identity. If we were to reach a crisis point, we may see a movement which has influence on a similar scale to the BUF of the 1930s.

Bibliography

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